Kalye Mendiola - Heritage Values and Collective Memory
To give a meaning on heritage, be it buildings, sites, landscapes or intangible heritage, a kind of value must be placed. Heritage values refers to this, it refers to the values that a group of people bestow on heritage.[1] And this kind of value is what legitimizes heritage. In essence, the people decide what is a heritage or not, it is the masses who defines what should be considered as a heritage. A collective consciousness determines what gets to be a heritage, for it is the masses who are the makers of history. [2]importance of the street and its role in the history of the Philippines as an important avenue for protests and demonstrations during the Marcos regime and up to the contemporary times.
During the Marcos Regime, Kalye Mendiola was the site of the Battle of Mendiola Bridge, a confrontation between 10,000 student-activists and the Metropolitan Command (Metrocom). It was on January 26, 1970 or during the “First Quarter Storm” when the protests and demonstrations rapidly began. It was followed by mass protests near the Malacañang Palace on Jan. 30 and 31. It was joined by thousands of students and workers. A violent dispersal took place, which ultimately killed four students namely: Felicisimo Roldan of San Beda College, Ricardo Alcantara of University of the Philippines, Fernando Catabay of Manuel L. Quezon University, Bernardo Tausa of Mapa High School.[3] On January 22 1987, the infamous Mendiola Massacre transpired at Kalye Mendiola. It is also known as the Black Thursday to some Filipino journalists. Then president Corazon Aquino failed to tackle and address the problems of the agrarian sector of the country. Promised land reforms and agrarian justice to farmers who suffered during the Marcos regime failed to be compensated during Aquino’s term. The Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, A militant farmers’ organization demanded real agrarian reforms and plans from the Aquino government.[4] The materialization of almost 10,000 farmers to protest at Mendiola were met with a violent dispersal where 13 were killed and a hundred injured. It can be said that Mendiola served as the venue or site for protests and demonstration. Its strategic location being near to Malacañang Palace and its proximity to other barangays in Manila.
SIGNIFICANCE IN THE COMMUNITY
It can be said that the history of the street is being re-lived by the continuous protest and demonstrations that continues to transpire throughout Mendiola. The street itself serves as a reminder to the grievances of the working class people of the Philippines. Kalye Mendiola became a space for voicing out complaints and thus transformed into a public space for speaking up. It is as if a street has a collective memory of those who protested against the government that is repressive to its citizen, the site lend themselves to certain practices in everyday life; coincidentally it also provide distinct milieus for the mobilization of some kind of collective memory, including appropriation of previous rounds of struggle.[5] The everyday Filipino people came to think of Mendiola as ‘the’ place for struggle, the image of struggle painted Mendiola. Mendiola, then became a place of outcry; the many protests and picket lines, the countless effigies burned, the violent dispersals, the thought provoking protest art splattered in the asphalt and barriers, all of these are ingrained in the minds of the Filipino masses. Kalye Mendiola does not need a marker for it to be considered as a historical/heritage site, the community in the area acknowledges the significance of the street, it is as if the street is talking when chants about sahod itaas, presyo ibaba are being shouted by the activists, the residents in Kalye Mendiola resonates with this clearly, for them the voice of the oppressed became one with the street itself.
As Kalye Mendiola is comprised with routes and roads with the highest concentration of students, labor, and urban poor populations that are not only to be found in Manila but also in the entire Metro Manila, and anywhere in the Philippines the demonstration and protests held in Mendiola also provided occasions for the recollection of something other than the practices of everyday life in this social milieu.[6] The waves of protests in the area does not only point towards the everyday experience in the metro (heavy traffic, crowded places) or the official commemoration (historical sites, monuments) that which of describes and characterizes urban sites that disclose a peek of the many different forms of sociality and politics that are deeply implanted in these spaces.[7] Thus in essence, rallies and protest function as a bridge to reconnect the dots on a larger map of prior rounds of struggle, it can be described as if recovering, through a kind of spatial reconstruction[8] , and as Kalye Mendiola was described earlier, not only the collective memory resides in Mendiola but all throughout the country.
PRESERVATION
As the site is a place for protest, various protest art, spray-paint tags, and what some might call “vandalism” is ever present in the area. The question of vandalism now comes into place. If a site is considered a heritage, then it must be protected, it must be preserved. In the case of
Kalye Mendiola, various examples of “vandalism” are ever present, and more likely to be done during a protest. But, considering the history of the site, does vandalism in the monuments in Mendiola constitutes for preservation of the site? It is important to note and to highlight the
background of a heritage so as to know how it may be preserved, as preservation means to conserve and to maintain; as different heritage calls for different type of preservation. In the case of Mendiola, the monument of Chino Roces was made for the farmer who died during the Mendiola Massacre. The monument was erected for the countless activists, workers, farmers that have been slain by the government, just for their acts of activism. And up to now, justice to those who were slain protesting for land reforms, land distribution, and wage increase has yet to be served upon their deaths. All those farmers who are protesting still yet to be given land, land which are owned by elite landlords, workers have yet to receive the fruits of their labor. The very reason the monument is built, the fight of those who are the reason the monument is erected, have yet to be finished. All the “vandalism” did was to continue the calls, to continue the fight. Vandalism may provoke and elicit angry responses, but in doing so it further amplifies the genuine message behind the images and signs. If the reason is it makes the site dirty and unclean, then it only validates the purpose of the site. Urban aesthetics may be good and all, but with all the blood of the masses that were spilled on the street, a much needed shift in the view regarding preservation must be done. Protest art not only validates the purpose of the site, but it also relive the history of the place. Paint can be easily washed off, but the blood of those who are slain by the oppressive government will continue to stain the streets.
Margarita Díaz-Andreu, “Heritage Values and the Public,” Journal of Community Archaeology & Heritage 4, no. 1 (February 2017): pp. 2-6, https://doi.org/10.1080/20518196.2016.1228213, p. 2 ↩︎
Tien Chih-sung “The Masses are the Makers of History” Peking Review, #29, July 21, 1972, pp. 7-11,p. 7 ↩︎
Anne Marxze Umil, “Veterans of Martial Law Commemorate 'Battle of Mendiola',” Bulatlat (Bulatlat, January 31, 2020), https://www.bulatlat.com/2020/01/31/veterans-of martial-law-commemorate-battle-of-mendiola/. ↩︎
Putzel, James. A Captive Land: the Politics of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines. New York: Monthly Review Press, 2004. ↩︎
Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1991 ↩︎
James T. Siegel et al., “The Dialectics of ‘EDSA Dos’: Urban Space, Collective Memory, and the Spectacle of Compromise,” in Southeast Asia over Three Generations: Essays Presented to Benedict R.O'G. Anderson (Ithaca, NY, Ithaca: Cornell University. Southeast Asia program, 2003), pp. 209-209. ↩︎
Ibid., ↩︎
M.Christine Boyer, The City of Collective Memory: Its Historical Imagery and Architectural Entertainments Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994. ↩︎